The Washington Post
Sunday, February 20, 2000; Page A23

In Colombia, a Dispute Fueled by Oil
U'wa Indians Appear to Be Losing Battle Against
Government-Backed Drilling Project

By Steven Dudley
Special to The Washington Post

CUBARA, Colombia-A 20-foot tall backhoe pushes dirt and rocks down a steep
mountain pass leading to the pristine Cobaria River. The rush of the rapids
is temporarily drowned out by the machine's roar as it scoops soil into a
dump truck. Fifteen armed Colombian soldiers linger in the
searing heat, and 285 more are nestled in foxholes and beneath trees to
protect Colombia's most important and controversial oil-drilling project.

Twenty yards away, leaders of the U'wa Indian community watch helplessly as
the outline of a new road becomes visible. Ebaristo Tegria looks worn,
almost defeated. His people, with the help of vocal international
environmental organizations, have fought for five years to block this
project. They say protests will continue, but it appears they have
lost--victims of Colombia's desire to replenish its dwindling oil supply.

"I feel defenseless against 3,000 or 2,000 or even 500 armed men," Tegria
said. "Especially if you don't have any guns to say, 'I am just as strong
as you.' "

The new road is the first part of a multibillion-dollar project by the
California-based Occidental Petroleum Corp. About a half-mile climb up the
mountain is the company's 27-acre drill site. Known as Gibraltar-1, the
site may contain up to 1.4 billion barrels of oil, enough to satisfy
Colombia's need for crude for several years.

The Occidental-U'wa fight began in 1995, when the 5,000-member Indian
community sued the company for not consulting it before obtaining
government permission to conduct preliminary tests in the area. Colombian
law requires energy companies to get the consent of native communities
before working on their lands.

The battle drew international attention the following year, with the U'wa
community's dramatic threat to commit collective suicide if the project
went forward. That threat has since been set aside.

Foreign concern was aroused again last year, when three U'wa supporters
from the United States--activists Terence Freitas, Ingrid Washinawatok and
Lahe'ena'e Gay--were kidnapped and killed by Marxist guerrillas while
visiting U'wa territory in March. It isn't clear why the American
activists were abducted by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the
nation's largest guerrilla group, known by its Spanish initials FARC. But
the U'was have had tense relations with the FARC, which controls some
territory near the U'wa reserve in eastern Colombia near the Venezuelan
border.

The killings of Freitas, Washinawatok and Gay helped crystallize U.S.
support for aiding the Colombian government in battling leftist guerrillas
and drug traffickers. Last month, the Clinton administration unveiled a
$1.3 billion, two-year aid package aimed at slowing the flow of narcotics
to the United States by attacking groups such as the FARC that authorities
say protect drug traffickers.

Even before the American activists were killed, the U'was' battle had been
engaged in the United States. The community dragged Occidental through five
years of legal battles while environmental groups have pulled some of the
company's most famous shareholders into the fight. The groups say Vice
president Gore is the executor of an estate that owns at least $350,000 in
Occidental stock, and Boston-based Fidelity Investments owns nearly 8
percent of the company. Fidelity spokesman Vincent Loporchio told the
Boston Globe two weeks ago that the resolution of such disputes should be
in the hands of the government. "We would hope they would do so fairly and
wisely," he said. Gore has not commented publicly on the matter.

In an attempt to resolve the dispute last year, Colombia increased the size
of the U'was' territory from 150,000 acres to 500,000 acres, drastically
reducing the area where Occidental could explore for oil. The government
then ranted the company a license to drill 500 yards outside the new U'wa
boundaries. But defiant U'wa leaders said oil production near them will
destroy their way of life, and the environment could suffer if waste from
the plant trickles into nearby rivers.

The U'was' cause has suffered because it is not particularly opular in
Colombia, partly for economic reasons. The government says that without
producing more oil, the country would become a net importer of crude by
2004. Colombia is a net petroleum exporter, and its oil shipments represent
30 percent of total export earnings.

In addition, the expansion of the U'wa reserve represented an unprecedented
land concession by the government.

"We saw that the size of the [U'wa] reserve multiplied by four," said
Alberto Calderon, president of the state oil company Ecopetrol, which
stands to take up to half of whatever oil comes from the Occidental
project. "And it was something that we were not particularly thrilled
[about]; but it's something we accept because this is a state of law."

Occidental has refused to comment. In the past, the company has said it is
trying to minimize the effect of oil production in the area by flying in
all the equipment and adding as few roads as possible to avoid
overdevelopment.

While Occidental's project is moving ahead, there may still be trouble.
U'wa leaders have continued their fight, organizing vigils and blocking
roads, and left-wing guerrillas may sabotage the operation.

The U'was' protests have led to several clashes between the Indians and
security forces. On Feb. 11, police tear gas chased away more than 300
U'was who were blocking a main road just beyond Occidental's drill site.
U'wa leaders said three children drowned when several women with children
strapped to their backs tumbled into a nearby river. This week, local
television showed the body of one of the alleged victim; authorities said
they are still searching for the other two.

On Jan. 25, police--citing a law that gives the government "right of way"
to drill for oil and other natural resources--also evicted a group of 26
U'was that had bought land where Occidental has its Gibraltar-1 site. U'wa
leaders say the police abused at least 10 of their members as they ushered
them into army helicopters and flew them to a local military base. The
police disputed the accounts.

"We never said they shouldn't explore in other areas," Uwa leader Roberto
Perez said, looking out over a farm's grassy terrain. "We just said they
should respect our territory, our ancestors' land."

Perched on a mountainside, the farm is empty except for a few orange and
white flags marking Occidental's test well and for 300 Colombian army
soldiers.

The soldiers are there because the FARC and a smaller left-wing guerrilla
group called the National Liberation Army (ELN) routinely target pipelines
and other oil infrastructure.

According to a government source, the ELN--which has a much firmer grip on
the area than the FARC--has adopted the U'was' struggle because the rebel
group also is trying to prevent oil production in the area. The source said
the ELN orchestrated the U'was' purchase of land where Gibraltar-1 is located.

U'wa leaders say they haven't been pressured by the rebels to take a more
radical stance against Occidental. But just 15 miles from the drill site,
rebel soldiers with trademark black-and-red insignia on their shoulders can
be seen along the highway, and the ELN appears determined to sabotage the
project.

In mid-December, the ELN solidified its control over the area by destroying
the police station in the town of Cubara, 10 miles from the project. And in
late January, rebels intercepted a convoy carrying equipment for the
project and forced the company's workers to bulldoze several cranes and
backhoes over a 200-foot cliff.

© Copyright 2000 The Washington Post Company

************************************************************
Distribuido por: Distributed by:
'AMAZON ALLIANCE' FOR INDIGENOUS AND
TRADITIONAL PEOPLES OF THE AMAZON BASIN
1367 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 400
Washington, DC 20036-1860
tel (202)785-3334
fax (202)785-3335
amazoncoal@igc.org
http://www.amazoncoalition.org

Disclaimer: All copyrights belong to original publisher.
The Amazon Alliance has not verified the accuracy of the forwarded message.
Forwarding this message does not necessarily connote agreement with the
positions stated there-in.

Todos los derechos de autor pertenecen al autor originario.
La Alianza Amazonica no ha verificado la veracidad de este
mensaje. Enviar este mensaje no necesariamente significa que
la Alianza Amazonica este de acuerdo con el contenido.

La Alianza Amazónica para los Pueblos Indígenas y Tradicionales de la
Cuenca Amazónica es una iniciativa nacida de la alianza entre los pueblos
indígenas y tradicionales de la Amazonía y grupos e individuos que
comparten sus preocupaciones por el futuro de la Amazonía y sus pueblos.
Las ochenta organizaciones del norte y del sur activas en la Alianza
Amazónica creen que el futuro de la Amazonía depende de sus pueblos y el
estado de su medio ambiente.

The Amazon Alliance for Indigenous and Traditional Peoples of the Amazon
Basin is an initiative born out of the partnership between indigenous and
traditional peoples of the Amazon and groups and individuals who share
their concerns for the future of the Amazon and its peoples. The eighty
non-governmental organizations from the North and South active in the
Alliance believe that the future of the Amazon depends on its peoples and
the state of their environment.

_____________________________________________________________
Who will win the Oscars? Spout off on our Entertainment list!
http://www.topica.com/lists/showbiztalk

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------